This paper contends that action moldiness be taken in Sudan. The planetary community cannot stand by, as it largely did during the genocide in Rwanda, and allow a government and its rebels to decimate so many of its people. The action must be multilateral, however. The action must not bear the stamp of a single country, unless neither must it be incumbent upon a single country to act because the rest of the international community lead not. To a large extent, this paper agrees with the position of Feinstein & Slaughter, who advocate creating an international duty to protect against rogue rulers who desire to obtain weapons of mountain destruction (WMD). This paper contends, however, that such a duty already exists even in the absence of WMD, where the threat to human alertlihood is of genocidal proportions. Moreover, this paper maintains that the laws and other tools necessary for carrying out such a duty already exist. All that is needed is a end to act.
Buchanan reviews American intervention in international conflicts from 1789 to the present. He argues that it is not in America's interest to deputize in other countries except in cases of military threats to the get together States. He specifically credits advances in media technology, namely live 24-hour television, for several American interventions during the 1990s, including Somalia, Yugoslavia (Bosnia), and Kosovo (Serbia). But Buchanan maintains that such interventions, solely for human-centered purposes that do not include American citizens, are not in the country's best interest. A reading of Buchanan's book makes see the light that he would not advocate intervention into Darfur.
Anonymous. Briefing Paper: Empty Promises? Continuing Abuses in Darfur, Sudan. Human Rights Watch. 11 dire 2004.
The importance of colonial implications in armed humanitarian interventions is apparent(a) in the arguments against the 2003 intervention in Iraq. Specifically, Orford argues that armed humanitarian interventions perpetuate the demeaned and demeaning view of former colonials and colonized cultures as places where bedlam and upheaval are the norm and, therefore, as places where sole tariff for turmoil can be lodged. This allows humanitarian interveners to ignore questions of dual-lane responsibility while assuming the role of savior and stinting oppressor. Orford's analysis is important to an exploration of arguments for and against the Iraq intervention and the possible Darfur intervention.
cook explores the system of international laws intended to protect national sovereignty as well as individual human rights in light of the U.S.-led intervention into Iraq. He focuses on the United Nations Charter, which recognizes just now two explicit exceptions to its otherwise general prohibition on the threat or use of force. Specifically, Article 2(4) of the Charter precludes humanitarian intervention without the sanction of the Security Council. However, other articles within the ch
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